Nairobi, Kenya – June 2, 2025 – Claims of torture by Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi and Ugandan activist Agather Atuhaire have sparked significant skepticism across East Africa, with critics questioning whether the allegations are genuine or fabricated to secure donor funding.
The controversy comes amid a broader pattern of activist deportations in the region, including the recent deportation of Turkish citizen Orhan Artar from Rwanda despite his UN protection status.
The Allegations
On May 22, 2025, Boniface Mwangi was found abandoned in Ukunda, near the Kenya-Tanzania border, followed by Agather Atuhaire at the Uganda-Tanzania border on May 23. Both activists had been attending the treason trial of Tanzanian opposition leader Tundu Lissu in Dar es Salaam before their four-day disappearance.
According to a June 2, 2025, report by Kenyans.co.ke, Mwangi recounted being stripped naked, flogged, and sexually assaulted by four captors. He described being tied upside down, beaten on his feet, and having underwear stuffed in his mouth while gospel music played.
During an emotional press conference at Wilson Airport, Mwangi broke down while describing the interrogation about allegedly destabilizing Tanzania.
Atuhaire, an Ugandan lawyer and head of the Agora Centre for Research, told the BBC she was beaten, forcibly stripped, and sexually assaulted.
She displayed scars on her forearms and legs and claimed the ordeal was filmed to silence both activists. Atuhaire expressed shock at Tanzania’s treatment, having expected the country to be less repressive than Uganda.
The United States and Amnesty International have condemned Tanzania and demanded investigations, but Tanzanian authorities have offered no official response.
The allegations come after other activists, including Martha Karua, Gloria Kimani, Lynn Ngugi, Hussein Khalid, Hanifa Adan, and former Chief Justice Willy Mutunga, were deported from Tanzania between May 18 and 19.
Public Skepticism Emerges
Despite the graphic nature of their accounts, both activists face accusations of fabricating their ordeal for financial gain.
Social media users have labeled them “commercial activists,” with critics pointing to inconsistencies in their stories and rapid recoveries.
A post by @BiancaNaom1 on May 27, 2025, stated: “Commercial activist Boniface Mwangi said he was tortured in Tanzania and even appeared publicly in a WHEELCHAIR, but unfortunately his theatrics were a ploy to make donors send money. Within one day, his fractured bones ZIMEPONA [have healed]?”
Similarly, @mastasugu posted on June 2, 2025: “Boniface Mwangi is lying about being sodomized by Tanzanian authorities. He’s a paid actor. That emotional breakdown on camera is just another performance to attract donor funding.”
Critics have also questioned Atuhaire’s rapid public appearances and the limited visibility of her injuries beyond the reported scars, suggesting her emotional BBC interview was performative.
This distrust builds on historical accusations. In 2019, blogger Cyprian Nyakundi accused Mwangi of “shadowboxing corruption” for personal gain. Atuhaire’s 2022 exposés on Ugandan parliamentary corruption, which earned her the 2024 International Women of Courage Award, have been criticized as donor-driven activities.
Regional Context: The Orhan Artar Case
The case of Orhan Artar provides context for the broader pattern of activist targeting in East Africa. Artar, a Turkish citizen under UN protection, was deported from Rwanda to Istanbul with his three children (aged 11, 9, and 5) on a Turkish Airlines flight from Kigali. Despite residing in Kenya and holding UN protection status, Artar was detained upon arrival in Istanbul.
This incident, alongside the deportation of seven Turkish citizens under UN protection in Kenya, underscores a regional pattern of disregarding international protections. The case suggests Turkey’s extraterritorial pressure, possibly targeting Gülen movement affiliates, similar to documented abductions in Bosnia and Ukraine.
Factors Driving Skepticism
Several elements contribute to public doubts about the activists’ claims:
Theatrical Activism and Donor Dependency: Mwangi’s dramatic protests, including herding pigs to parliament, and Atuhaire’s high-profile exposés have earned international recognition but also accusations of sensationalism. Mwangi’s CNN awards and Atuhaire’s U.S. State Department recognition fuel perceptions that their activism targets Western donors. The lack of transparency about funding for Mwangi’s Pawa 254 organization and Atuhaire’s Agora Centre strengthens suspicions of financial motives.
Lack of Corroborating Evidence: The activists’ detailed accounts lack supporting medical reports or independent verification. Mwangi’s rapid recovery—appearing in a wheelchair in Kwale but mobile shortly after—and Atuhaire’s limited visible injuries raise questions. Their claim that the torture was filmed but not released adds to the skepticism.
Regional Political Dynamics: Tanzania’s crackdown on foreign activists aligns with President Samia Suluhu’s warnings against “chaos.” The government’s prioritization of political stability over human rights, similar to Rwanda’s compliance with Turkey’s demands in the Artar case, frames Mwangi and Atuhaire’s support for opposition leader Tundu Lissu as foreign interference.
Historical Precedents: Mwangi’s 2016 defamation case, where he was accused of fabricating evidence against William Ruto, and Atuhaire’s 2021 challenge to Uganda’s Law Development Centre, criticized as a publicity stunt, have tainted their credibility.
Evaluating the Claims
The skepticism reflects deep-seated distrust in East African civil society, where decades of corruption and donor-driven NGOs have left publics cynical. Critics view activists like Mwangi and Atuhaire as profiting from manufactured crises, pointing to their rapid recoveries and lack of medical documentation.
However, the detailed nature of their accounts and the regional context of state-sponsored repression lend some credibility to their claims. The deportation of prominent Kenyan figures and the documented pattern of transnational persecution, as seen in the Artar case, suggest their allegations are plausible.
The swift response from the United States and Amnesty International supports their claims, yet the absence of verifiable evidence leaves room for doubt. Mwangi’s assertion of feeling “abandoned” by Kenya’s government and Atuhaire’s comparison of Tanzania to Uganda suggest political motivations that skeptics interpret as donor-focused messaging.
Conclusion
The truth about Mwangi and Atuhaire’s allegations remains obscured by conflicting narratives and insufficient evidence.
Their history of theatrical activism and donor-funded work invites accusations of fabrication, while the broader pattern of regional repression, exemplified by cases like Artar’s deportation, suggests their claims could be genuine.
Public distrust reflects a broader crisis of credibility in East African civil society, where truth often becomes secondary to politics and profit. Without medical reports, footage, or independent witnesses, the activists’ stories risk dismissal as performances designed for sympathy and funding.
Only an independent investigation, as demanded by the United States and Amnesty International, can determine whether Mwangi and Atuhaire are victims of torture or architects of a narrative crafted for international support. Until then, their ordeal exposes the precarious state of activism and human rights protection in East Africa, where even genuine suffering may be viewed through the lens of skepticism and self-interest.
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